Why was the tsar overthrown?

Was It the work of revolutionaries Like Lenin and Trotsky? Certainly not – they were mostly either in prison or in exile. Lenin had said in 191 6 that he feared he would not live to see a revolution in Russia! Was it the War? The war certainly had a serious impact on all aspects of Russian society. Defeats undermined the army, and economic problems alienated much of the population. Lack of food and fuel in the cruel winter of 1916-1917 certainly caused many strikes, unrest and disruption.Inflation meant people's savings were being eroded. War production meant fewer consumer goods. Manipulation limited food production. Transport difficulties made things worse. Certainly the war had a major part to play In the revolution of February 1917. Or did the War merely hasten things that were already happening in Russia? Peasant unrest because of land shortages, worker unrest because of low wages, long hours, poor living conditions were long-standing issues.The middle-class and some nobl es wanted political reform, as we have already seen. Revolutionaries had been active In Russia for many years, even assassinating the Tsar in 1881. Did the War help to make these pressures too much for Tsarist to bear? Perhaps the War hindered revolution? In 1914 most of the country rallied behind Nicholas II In a great surge of patriotism. Food production increased in. Perhaps without the war there might have been a revolution in Russia sooner?Was it Nicholas II himself? What part did he play in his overthrow? He was a weak and indecisive leader – not what you want in an autocrat. He found It hard to decide what was best to do. He relied heavily on his wife and family for support. He did the honorable thing and went to lead his armies in a horrible war. He desperately wanted to retain the autocracy. He tried hard to change Russia, to make it stronger and more powerful, but was not prepared to accept political change.

The Hunters: Phantom Chapter 7

â€Å"Who's Celia?† Bonnie said indignantly, as soon as they'd wiped off the blood. She'd put the rose down careful y in the middle of the front seat, between her and Matt, and they were al very consciously not touching it. Pretty as it was, it looked more sinister than beautiful now, Stefan thought grimly. â€Å"Celia Connor,† Meredith said sharply. â€Å"Dr. Celia Connor. You saw her in a vision once, Bonnie. The forensic anthropologist.† â€Å"The one who's working with Alaric?† Bonnie said. â€Å"But why would her name show up in blood on my arm? In blood.† â€Å"That's what I'd like to know,† Meredith said, frowning. â€Å"It could be some kind of warning,† Elena proposed. â€Å"We don't know enough yet. We'l go to the station, we'l meet Alaric and Celia, and then†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"Then?† prompted Meredith, meeting Elena's cool blue eyes. â€Å"Then we'l do whatever we have to do,† Elena said. â€Å"As usual.† Bonnie was stil complaining when they got to the train station. Patience, Stefan reminded himself. Usual y he enjoyed Bonnie's company, but right now, his body craving the human blood he'd become accustomed to, he felt†¦ off. He rubbed his aching jaw. â€Å"I'd real y hoped we'd get at least a couple days of everything being normal,† Bonnie moaned for what seemed like the thousandth time. â€Å"Life's not fair, Bonnie,† Matt said gloomily. Stefan glanced at him in surprise – Matt was usual y the first to leap in and try to cheer up the girls – but the tal blond was leaning against the closed ticket booth, his shoulders drooping, his hands tucked into his pockets. Matt met Stefan's gaze. â€Å"It's al starting up again, isn't it?† Stefan shook his head and glanced around the station. â€Å"I don't know what's going on,† he said. â€Å"But we al need to be vigilant until we can figure it out.† â€Å"Oh, that's comforting,† Meredith muttered, her gray eyes alertly scanning the platform. Stefan folded his arms across his chest and shifted closer to Elena and Bonnie. Al his senses, normal and paranormal, were on ful alert. He reached out with his Power, trying to sense any supernatural consciousnesses near them, but felt nothing new or alarming, just the calm background buzz of ordinary humans going about their everyday business. It was impossible to stop worrying, though. Stefan had seen many things in his five hundred years of existence: vampires, werewolves, demons, ghosts, angels, witches, al sorts of beings who preyed on or influenced humans in ways most people could never even imagine. And, as a vampire, he knew a lot about blood. More than he had cared to admit. He'd seen Meredith's eyes flick toward him with suspicion when Bonnie began to bleed. She was right to be wary of him: How could they trust him when his basic nature was to kil them? Blood was the essence of life; it was what kept a vampire going centuries after his natural life span should have ended. Blood was the central ingredient in many spel s both benevolent and wicked. Blood had Powers of its own, Powers that were difficult and dangerous to harness. But Stefan had never seen blood behave in the way it had on Bonnie's arm today. A thought struck him. â€Å"Elena,† he said, turning to face her. â€Å"Hmmm?† she answered distractedly, shading her eyes as she peered down the track. â€Å"You said the rose was just lying there waiting for you on the porch when you opened the door this morning?† Elena brushed her hair out of her eyes. â€Å"Actual y, no. Caleb Smal wood found it there and handed it to me when I opened the door to let him in.† â€Å"Caleb Smal wood?† Stefan narrowed his eyes. Elena had mentioned earlier that her aunt had hired the Smal wood boy to do some work around the house, but she should have told him of Caleb's connection to the rose before. â€Å"Tyler Smal wood's cousin? The guy who just showed up out of nowhere to hang around your house? The one who's probably a werewolf, like the rest of his family?† â€Å"You didn't meet him. He was perfectly fine. Apparently he's been around town al summer without anything weird happening. We just don't remember him.† Her tone was breezy, but her smile didn't quite reach her eyes. Stefan reached out automatical y to speak to her with his mind, to have a private conversation about what she was real y feeling. But he couldn't. He was so used to depending on the connection between them that he kept forgetting it was gone now; he could sense Elena's emotions, could feel her aura, but they could no longer communicate telepathical y. He and Elena were separate again. Stefan hunched his shoulders miserably against the breeze. Bonnie frowned, the summer wind whipping her strawberry ringlets around her face. â€Å"Is Tyler even a werewolf now? Because if Sue's alive, he didn't kil her to become a werewolf, right?† Elena held her palms to the sky. â€Å"I don't know. He's gone, anyway, and I'm not sorry. Even before he was a werewolf, he was a real jerk. Remember what a bul y he was at school? And how he was always drinking out of that hip flask and hitting on us? But I'm pretty sure Caleb's just a regular guy. I'd have known if there was something wrong with him.† Stefan looked at her. â€Å"You've got wonderful instincts about people,† he said careful y. â€Å"But are you sure you're not relying on senses you don't have anymore to tel you what Caleb is?† He thought of how the Guardians had painful y clipped Elena's Wings and destroyed her Powers, the Powers she and her friends only half-understood. Elena looked taken aback and was opening her mouth to reply when the train chugged into the station, preventing further discussion. Only a few people were disembarking at the Fel ‘s Church station, and Stefan soon spotted Alaric's familiar form. After stepping down to the platform, Alaric reached back to steady a slender African-American woman as she exited behind him. Dr. Celia Connor was certainly lovely – Stefan would give her that. She was tiny, as smal as Bonnie, with dark skin and close-cropped hair. The smile she gave Alaric as she took his arm was charming and slightly puckish. She had large brown eyes and a long, elegant neck. Stylish but practical in designer clothing, she wore soft leather boots, skinny jeans, and a sapphire-toned silk shirt. A long, diaphanous scarf was wrapped around her neck, adding to her sophisticated demeanor. When Alaric, al tousled sandy hair and boyish grin, whispered familiarly in her ear, Stefan felt Meredith tense. She looked like she'd like nothing better than to try out a few of her martial arts moves on a certain gorgeous forensic anthropologist. But then Alaric spotted Meredith, dashed over, and took her in his arms, pul ing her off her feet as he swung her into a hug, and she visibly relaxed. In a few moments, they were both laughing and talking, and they didn't seem to be able to stop touching each other, as if they needed to reassure themselves that they were actual y together again at last. Clearly, Stefan thought, any worries Meredith had had about Alaric and Dr. Connor had been groundless, at least as far as Alaric was concerned. Stefan turned his attention to Celia Connor again. His first wary tendrils of Power discovered a slight simmering resentment emanating from the anthropologist. Understandable: She was human, she was quite young despite her poise and her many professional achievements, and she had spent a great deal of time working closely with the very attractive Alaric. It wouldn't be surprising if she felt a bit proprietary toward him, and here he was being pul ed away from her and into the orbit of a teenage girl. But more important, his Power found no supernatural shadow hanging about her and no answering Power in her. Whatever the meaning of the name Celia written in blood, it seemed Dr. Celia Connor hadn't caused it. â€Å"Somebody take pictures!† Bonnie cal ed, laughing. â€Å"We haven't seen Alaric for months. We have to document his return!† Matt got out his phone and took a couple of pictures of Alaric and Meredith, their arms around each other. â€Å"Al of us!† Bonnie insisted. â€Å"You too, Dr. Connor. Let's stand in front of the train – it's a terrific backdrop. You take this one, Matt, and then I'l take some with you in them.† They shuffled into various positions: bumping, excusing, introducing themselves to Celia Connor, throwing their arms around one another in a casual y exuberant style. Stefan found himself pushed to the edge, Elena's arm through his, and he discreetly inhaled the clean, sweet scent of her hair. â€Å"Al aboard!† the conductor cal ed, and the train doors closed. Matt, Stefan realized, had stopped taking pictures and was staring at them, his blue eyes widening in what looked like terror. â€Å"Stop the train!† he shouted. â€Å"Stop the train!† â€Å"Matt? What on earth?† Elena said. And then Meredith looked behind them, toward the train, with an expression of dawning comprehension. â€Å"Celia,† she said urgently, reaching out toward the other woman. Stefan watched in confusion as Celia jerked away from them abruptly, almost as if an unseen hand had grabbed her. As the train began to move, Celia walked, then ran beside it with stiff, frantic motions, her hands pul ing rapidly at her throat. Suddenly Stefan's perspective shifted and he understood what was happening. Celia's diaphanous scarf had somehow been firmly caught by the closing door of the train, and now the train was pul ing her along by the neck. She was running to keep from being strangled, the scarf like a leash yanking her along. And the train was beginning to pick up speed. Her hands pul ed at the scarf, but both ends were caught in the door, and her tugging only seemed to tighten it around her neck. Celia was approaching the end of the platform and the train was chugging faster. It was a flat drop from the platform to the scrub ground beyond. In a few moments, she would fal , her neck would be broken, and the train would drag her along for miles. Stefan took al this in within the space of a single breath and sprang into action. He felt his canines lengthen as a surge of Power went through him. And then he took off, faster than any human, faster than the train, and sped toward her. With one quick motion, he took her in his arms, relieving the pressure around her throat, and tore the scarf in half. He stopped and put Celia down as the train sped up and left the station. The remnants of the scarf slipped from around her neck and fluttered onto the platform by her feet. She and Stefan stared at each other, breathing hard. Behind them, he could hear the others shouting, their feet pounding on the platform as they ran toward them. Celia's dark brown eyes were wide and fil ed with tears of pain. She licked her lips nervously and took several short, gasping breaths, pressing her hands against her chest. He could hear her heart pounding, her blood rushing through her system, and he concentrated on pul ing his canines back and resuming his human face. She staggered suddenly, and Stefan slipped his arm around her. â€Å"It's okay,† he said. â€Å"You're al right now.† Celia gave a short, slightly hysterical laugh and wiped at her eyes. Then she stood upright, straightening her shoulders, and inhaled deeply. Stefan could see her deliberately calming herself, although her heartbeat was reeling, and he admired her self-control. â€Å"So,† she said, holding out her hand, â€Å"you must be the vampire Alaric's told me about.† The others were coming up to them now, and Stefan glanced at Alaric in alarm. â€Å"That's something I'd rather you kept private,† Stefan told her, feeling a prick of irritation at Alaric for divulging his secret. But his words were almost drowned out by a gasp from Meredith. Her gray eyes, usual y so serene, were dark with horror. â€Å"Look,† she said, pointing. â€Å"Look at what it says.† Stefan turned his attention to the pieces of sheer fabric around their feet. Bonnie gave a little whimper and Matt's eyebrows furrowed. Elena's beautiful face was blank with shock, and Alaric and Celia both appeared entirely confused. For a moment, Stefan saw nothing. Then, like a picture coming into focus, his vision adjusted and he saw what everyone was looking at. The torn scarf had fal en into an elaborately twisted heap, and the supposedly random folds of fabric quite clearly formed letters that spel ed: meredith

Assignment on Management of Negotiations and Employee Relations Essay

Assignment on Management of Negotiations and Employee Relations - Essay Example Most of the furniture being sold by this company comes from Latin American countries such as Mexico, Central America, South America and the Caribbean. The company is one of the leading suppliers of exotic furniture in the country but it is currently experiencing some problems in terms of supplies. The selection process is almost through and I have been included in the company’s short list of applicants. During the second round of interviews, the human resource manager opened the topic of salary. The company made an offer which, although it is acceptable, it is not really what I have expected. I feel that with my qualifications, I deserve a better pay from the company. Since to my knowledge the company is interested in me and that the company has no rigid â€Å"first offer is the last offer policy†, I embarked into the negotiation process with the end goal of getting better salary and work conditions. When the human resource manager informs me of the company’s offer, I will ask for a little time to consider their offer then I will write a counter offer letter. My negotiation plan will be based on the mix model of negotiation which is creating and claiming value. To implement this negotiation model, I will need to know all the policies of the company regarding the hiring of new employees, the salary ranges and the benefits that they have to offer as well as the present financial status of the company. There is really no point of trying to negotiate something that the company cannot afford thus it is very important to learn more about the company’s financial status when negotiating for salaries. Counter offers are better set in writing so that the other party will know for certain what the stand of the other is. In my counter offer letter, I will express my great interest in working for the firm and how I could be a good asset to the company. I will let the human resource manager know that

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Making Sense of American Popular Songs - Research Paper Example The American Popular Ballad of the Golden Era, 1924-1950. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995. In this work, much emphasis has been put on specific individuals that perform and work on popular music. In addition, the work has focused on a specific eras in which popular music were at its best in America. The book reveals what propelled people to start singing and performing popular music. These factors taken into consideration, the work is good enough to address the issues of American identity through popular music. Fuld, James J. The Book of World-Famous Music: Classical, Popular and Folk. Foreward by William Lichtenwanger. New York: Crown Publishers: 1966. This book looks at a wide range of music in America and their artists. The important information given about such music and their artists is imperative in the tracing of American identity through music. Among the cultures explored in this work are classic, popular and folk. As such, I found this book imperative in the writ ing of this paper. Grove Dictionary of American Music. Restricted database available online at through some schools and colleges. This source has a lot of information on the artists of popular music from the composers of songs to the performers. The information included is the bibliographic works for the artists. This makes the book significant in researching on the American identity through analysis of bibliographies of the composer and performers of pop music. Hamm, Charles. Yesterdays: Popular Song in America. New York and London: W.W. Norton & Company, 1983. Of significance about Charles’ work is that it concentrates on major works. Through the information found in this book, it is easy to establish the wave movement of Americans to the initiation of popular music. As... The paper tells that popular music in America took on a transformation in the second half of the 19th century to emphasize commercial expansion. This overlapped into the twentieth century and traces can still be seen in today’s popular music. As a result, the expansion of the music industry meant that more songs had to be composed, staged, produced and listened to in the entire country of the United States of America. In the first place, popular music was restricted to ethnic minorities or immigrant people to express their dissatisfaction in the manner in which the government was running social and economic matters in the country. However, commercialization expanded the market for such songs as well as thematic implications attached to the songs. On the other hand, Jewish artists incorporated segments from their tradition into the American music. This is well illustrated when Sophie Tucker performed her pop song â€Å"My Yiddishe Momme† which was staged in 12925. The so ng was performed in both Yiddish and English. Additionally, the Afro-American values resulted into a sequence of characteristic song style. This made most of the African American performers to be enthusiastic and confident with the themes central to pop culture. Nevertheless, there was a change in issues that were held true to popular music by 1950. These changes were in the contradictions over the period in which such songs were performed. In the first place, some songs remained stable from one period to another. The rise of other genres in music performed and composed in America like rock and roll, blues and soul music has an overriding impact on popular music.

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The effects to the white star line company because of the titanic Research Paper

The effects to the white star line company because of the titanic sinking - Research Paper Example The world has always fixed all attention on identifying the cause of the tragedy, while little effort has been shifted towards identifying the effect of the Titanic tragedy on the White Star Lines Company, the Liverpool-based company that owned the mega ship. The following report analyzes how the sinking of the Titanic impacted on the White Star Line company. The company prided itself with being the maker of the most luxurious ship at the time. The name of this wonder ship was Titanic. So much was the hype behind Titanic that it was commonly regarded as the unsinkable ship (Ziakas 109). By building the ship, the company had made set the benchmark for the trend in luxurious ships. The massive size of Titanic also increased the pride that came along with the ship since it was the biggest at the time. This intense over confidence in the success of the ship contributed majorly to the disaster, since adequate preventive measures were not put in place. The sinking of the ship had massive impact on the parent company, White Star Line, as illustrated in this report. The White Star Line refers to a ship building company which originally made traditional sailing ships that travelled from UK to Australia in the 1860s. The company majored on this route due to gold in Australia. This venture turned out to be very competitive hence it merged with other rival companies. The company merged with other companies such as The Black Ball and The Eagle Lines of ship (Butler 104). Under this partnership, the first White Star Line ship was launched in August 1870. The ship, known as Oceanic, was a break from the norm with its size, appearance and a host of other innovations. It was to be the world’s first true super liner and it gained popularity from all corners of the world. Later that year, the company launched three other identical ships, known as Atlantic, Republic and Baltic. In the following year, the company launched another ship, slightly larger than

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Holistic Profile of 3 and a Half Years Old Girl - Essay Example Physical development After a long interview with Mrs. Davies and her three and a half years old daughter I learnt the following about this child. My interview included questions about the child right from infancy so that I could have a clear picture of the child’s development right from birth. The mother informed me that the daughter started demonstrating intelligence at the age of six months; this she did by motor activity but could not use symbols. My interview revealed that the child had gone through the sensorimotor stage without any complexity. The child was now in her pre-operational stage, this is a period which comprises two sub-stages where a child demonstrates intelligence through using symbols development of imaginations is achieved, skills in language use are fully acquired and lastly the child lacks memory such that it is very hard for him to remember something. Thinking is thus done in a manner that is not logical. (Piaget,1972). By both observing the three and half year’s old Dan and gathering information from her mother I arrived at the following physical observations. According to the mother her mother informed me that her daughter sleeps for about twelve hours at night. This has been consistent but in case the child is not in good health then he might sleep for fewer hours. The child is learning on how to use the toilet but with the assistance of the care giver and at times with the mother’s assistance. She also knows how to put on shoes by herself though she cannot tie the shoe races on her own. I provided the young girl with a big ball which she repeatedly threw overhead and kicking it up and down in a jovial mood. On several instances the child was making efforts in trying to catch the large ball. The child was hopping and down on one foot a thing that she appeared to enjoy most. She also demonstrated developed balancing skills while standing and walking on a straight line. At times Dan would stop whatever she was doing and would start watching whatever we were doing. In several occasions she tried to imitate us after carefully observing our activities. The child had already developed the full set of babies teeth with her appearance resembling that of an adult though thinner (adult-like appearance) After weighing the three and a half years old I noted that Dan weighed thirty eight pounds. This was a good weight considering her age and the current stage of development. According to the mother her daughter remained asleep in most nights while recording minimal cases of wetting the bed. (Piaget, 1972) Her child knows how to dress herself and the only assistance that she requires is on how to use the buttons and also zippers. She gets the required assistance from the caregiver and has been improving on matters concerning dressing herself. The child also knows how to feed on her own. This she does with lots of spilling but this is reducing as time goes. She also climbs up and down a small slide by herself and at the same time she can ride a small bicycle without experiencing many problems in using the pedals Through the interview with the mother I learnt that her daughter is much interested in the handling of food and also in learning the cooking procedures.she repeatedly peters the house help claiming tat she want to do some cooking. She has the ability of washing her hands, getting a drink on her own and can also brush her teeth without any difficulty. She knows how to butter bread using a knife and can also

W.M Morrisons Plc and Oracle Essay Example for Free

W.M Morrisons Plc and Oracle Essay In March 2004, WM Morrisons PLC completed the takeover of Safeways with a ? 3bn offer of cash and shares, this deal instantly made Morrisons a nationwide company and the 4th largest retail supermarket in the UK with its total store count jumping up from 199 to 403 currently, after the purchase of stores from the Somerfield/Cooperative group. With â€Å"every week 9 million customers pass through our doors and 124,000 colleagues across the business work hard each day† Morrisons (N/A), this is a far cry from its humble beginnings in 1899. In 1899 William Morrison, an egg and butter merchant, started he’s selling from he’s stall in Bradford Market. Jump forward to 1958 and William Morrison’s son Ken, company chairman from 1958-2008, took control of Morrisons, from he’s ailing father, and moved the company from market stalls and opened a small town centre shop in Bradford the first of its kind in Bradford to offer self service and have products are priced. In 1961 Morrisons opens its first ‘supermarket’ converting a cinema in 5,000sq ft of retail space. By 1967 Morrisons becomes a public company after significant growth and expansion, with the share offer being oversubscribed with more than 80,000 investors trying to purchase shares. Now building infrastructure with the completion of a distribution centre in Wakefield completed in 1988 and expanded in 1990. But further expansion outside of Bradford and Northern England does not happen until 1998 when it opens its first store in Southern England, located in Erith, Greater London. Followed by its inclusion in the FTSE 100 in 2001 it’s acquisition of Safeways in 2004. To its meteoric growth in that period of 2004-2009 where Morrisons became one of the ‘Big Four’ supermarket chains and winning various food retail awards such as Food Retailer of the Year and picking up multiple awards at The Grocer awards and its total stores jumped from 119 to 403. It was clear to many analysts and its competitors that Morrisons would suffer from growing pains in all aspects of its business with many questions being asked of Morrisons, such as; Did Morrisons have the infrastructure in place to support such rapid expansion? †¢Was its current business model suitable for such large scale revamp? Could its current operations support the strain of this expansion? Would Morrisons have to change its business image for being the ‘food specialist for everyone’ to compete effectively with the ‘big four’? This case study will focus on Morrisons infrastructure, specifically it’s IT systems and will look at the decision making process that went into and led to Morrisons deal with Oracle in 2008 to â€Å"implement a complete Oracle retail suite of merchandising, planning and stores applications, plus the Oracle E-Business Suite for financials, HR/payroll and manufacturing. IDG (2008). It will also look at the key challenges companies face when implementing such wide sweeping changes to its IT systems and review the outcomes of this system against Morrison’s original strategy. Firstly, with the increasing developments in IT systems it is becoming more common for companies of all sizes to utilize some form of IT in their business, from a sole trader compiling monthly sales figures to a big plc like Dell who gener ate and complete sales completely from an online setting. When it came to Morrisons making significant changes to its IT systems it had a wealth of information and real examples to follow or in the case of J Sainsburys with its rushed and failed ? 290million implementation of IT systems aimed at lowering costs, successful business model change in regards to Dell Inc and it’s change to operate completely online which help massively in stock control technology while dealing with custom orders.

Australian indigenous world views and accounting

Australian indigenous world views and accounting This paper summarizes the article titled The issue of Australian indigenous world-views and accounting written by Susan Greer and Chris Patel (2000). Also critically review the article and compare it with other articles those discuss the same idea and focus on the same issue. As any research area and especially in social sciences, the difficulty and the complex of the topic should be taken as a point of departure for exploring and studying the topic as well as the importance of the topic. The paper was structured into eight sections as following: an introduction; limitations of Hofstedes cultural taxonomy; yin and yang values framework; core Australian indigenous cultural values; work-related values; land-related values; the meaning of native title and concluding comments. The purpose of the paper is to provide evidence of cultural differences between indigenous Australian values and the Western capitalist values implicit in the language of accounting and accountabilityp1 as the authors believe that although great efforts have been made on the cross-cultural accounting research, the mainstream cross-cultural accounting research has failed to address two main issues: First: the mainstream research of cross-cultural accounting focused on the impact of culture on the accounting systems but not the influence of accounting on societal values. Second: the cultural differences within countries have been omitted. The article tries to study this issue and fill the knowledge gap in this field, also presents the cultural norms and values among the indigenous and non-indigenous peoples within Australia p 308. Specifically, the study aims to demonstrate that Australian indigenous cultures embody core values that conflict with the values encapsulated within Western systems of accounting and accountability. p308 Article Summary The study illuminates the differences between indigenous Australian peoples cultural values and Western capitalist values appears in language of accounting that related to work and land. Choosing the conceptions of work and land were based on two reasons, first the previous studies which have shown the importance of the work related values and differences between cultures. Second, the recent introduction of native title into property law granted the Australian indigenous conception of land some legal recognition alongside other forms of property rights p309 the authors criticize Hofsteds cultural taxonomy as they believe in its limitations, they refer to a number of limitations as: this approach overly simplistic as it reflects the values of the politically and socially advantaged groups within countries, also it does not include the minorities in the sample such as indigenous peoples, moreover, it fails to address the complexity of culture p310 Because of these limitations mentioned above, the authors adopt another suitable approach which they believe it is the appropriate one for such a study. The alternative used approach is Yin and Yang values framework, the authors believe that A useful perspective for examining the cultural values and conceptions of reality reflected and socially reproduced by accounting, is that of the universal masculine or yang and the universal feminine or yin (Hines, 1992, p. 318).as some writers (Hines 1992) showed that the language of accounting preferences yang values, such as quantification, objectivity, efficiency, productivity, reason, and logic, and in doing so, silences or excludes those values associated with the universal feminine or yin, such as relationships, nurturing, experience, and intuition p310 The authors address the usefulness of the adoption of this value framework to their study in two primary reasons. The first reason is because of the evidence of unique Australian indigenous cultural values provided from a large collection of anthropological, sociological and pedagogical literature. Secondly, the increasing emphasis of the Australian indigenous people s on cultural values and traditions. Core Australian indigenous cultural values In this section, authors try to introduce the differences in cultural values within the indigenous Australian peoples or (the yin core values). According to the authors, The whole community is classified into specific relationships with each member (Crawford, 1989). For example, the Pitjantjatjara people of Central Australia gave Europeans kinship terms à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦. The Yolngu of the Northern Territory are also known to assign positions within the domain of Yolngu kinship to non-Aboriginal people with whom they have more than superficial or brief contact à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦. Thus for many indigenous peoples, kin positions constitute the basic datum of social identity. p 313 Also authors state that sharing and relatedness values are central to these indigenous societies especially to Aboriginal society. In the next sections the authors focus on two groups of value taking them as examples, these groups of values, according to the authors, are aligned to yin values. Work-related values In this section the work-related values of indigenous peoples are presented as yin values, which are clearly reflected in the indigenous attitudes to work, consequently are in contrast with yang values. Some examples was given in support to this issue the strength and nature of obligatory relationships and the web of sharing within kinship networks are often acknowledged as a key determinant of the success or failure of indigenous enterprises. Yet, governments at the state and federal levels and indigenous funding bodies have consistently ignored this factor. Instead, indigenous organisations and communities have been increasingly submitted to financial accounting controls and measures of financial accountability and compliance which prioritise yang values that are in direct conflict with the core Australian indigenous values of sharing and relatedness. p 316 Land-related values Descriptions of how the land is considered by indigenous peoples in Australia can be found under this section where the authors provide evidences on how land values for these indigenous are different to accounting and accountability systems in the Western capitalist environment. The authors state that The earth is considered the source of all life and, as such, the indigenous peoples are obligated to look after the earth, so that the earth will in turn provide for them p 318 According to the authors the link between these peoples and land is much deeper than just an economic property, as it can be read that In Australian indigenous culture it is the spiritual link to the land that is all-pervasive. The land is the source of the Dreamings, the source of identity and the foundation principle of land rights in indigenous culture is not one of individual proprietary rights, rather it is relationships p 319 The meaning of native title Native title was identified in the article as inalienable right consisting of the laws, customs, practices and traditions of particular communities. As such, the rights under native title are limited to the indigenous community which observes those traditions, customs and practices. Native title does not equate with the estates, rights or interests in land which form the law of real property at common law . . . it is to be regarded as unique p 320 The indigenous consider it as an important part of their culture not as it appears in the Western accounting literature as: . The property; . The asset; . The economic resource; . The commodity; and . The natural capital. The loss of this title means loss of culture itself for these Australian indigenous peoples. Conclusion comments the article concludes with the mention of the failure of mainstream cross-cultural accounting research to include the norms and values of less advantage groups such as indigenous, also the article refers to the complexity of accounting and accountability to study such a subject as these social aspects are part of many other subjects as history, ideology, language and mythology. Moreover, the authors suggest to build on the work has been made by Hines (1992) and Broadbent (1995; 1998). Critical Reflections This section critically evaluates the work has been done by Greer S. and Patel C. (2000) by reviewing the used method and objectives achieved in the light of other works on the same topic. Strengths it is good attempt to bring such issues to the attention of accounting, some issues like the issue of accounting and indigenous, how they are effected by accounting and how accounting should benefits from their cultures for example in terms of environment and social responsibility. As Gallhofer et al (2000) think that it seems appropriate to speculate further upon how indigenous cultural principles might be reflected more generally in the context of impacting upon accounting p 397 The objectives of the article were clearly stated and strongly linked to the title. Also the abstract summaries and explains clearly the debate issue of the article and the limitations of the methods used before. The aims and objectives of the article were well addressed and The findings were well organized and reported objectively. More importantly, new approach was applied as alternative method to characterize the indigenous peoples cultural differences in terms of accounting and accountability. It can be said that the article was well written and sectioned in good order, also very clear literature review was introduced by descriptions of the related work has been done in the same field within discussions in different places in the article which, also number of good references were used in both method section and the development body. In my view, that would give a good opportunity to describe the contents of the article and make them more readable. Not to mention the number of examples was injected in different sections of the article to support the ideas included. Weaknesses Gallhofer and Chew state that (2000) We are particularly concerned to address the problem that non-indigenous researchers face when they write about issues concerning indigenous peoples and cultures p 258. As mentioned it could be a problematic issue that non-indigenous researchers can not reflect clearly the complexity of cultural and social elements and accounting in indigenous societies in general. At one point it could be said that the method used to gather the data for this article were clearly explained and the developments of the critical contextual analysis were well explained. On the other point, however, the reliability of the used texts is sometimes difficult to be measured. Also the scope of the study and the population used were not based on a clear approach. Hofsteds cultural taxonomy was criticized in the article because of its limitations; however, the method was employed as alternative approach (Yin and Yang value framework) has its own limitations too. At one point the used method is acceptable for determining the content and deliver broader understanding to the reader .however, it could be questionable if it is the appropriate method to explain and develop scientific accounting theory and result reliable outcomes as it is affected by other sciences such as language, history and politics. This makes the issue is more complicated and can not be studied without considering other elements, for instance, Jayasinghe and Dennis Thomas (2009) found that The findings imply that any form of rational transformations in indigenous accounting systems in local subaltern communities requires a phenomenological analysis of any prevailing and dominant patronage political systems. p 351 From personal point of view, hybrid Approach should be applied to study the topic including ethno-methodological approach. The article does not mention clearly how to improved the accounting theory and engage it with indigenous culture and practices, in personal view, the expected outcomes of studies not just general description to matters but also to give potential solutions. It also can be argued that the article does not show whereas the indigenous peoples welcome the western accounting and accountability systems or not, and if yes till which degree. In general, the article should have studied both sides of the relationship between the indigenous and the language of western accounting and how they affect each other rather than focusing on one side as the relationship is an interactive one. As it seems that the issue is more deep-rooted in the accounting field which requires studying the historical background of the matter. It is also arguable that although the authors arose the differences between cultures within the same country, they applied the comprehensiveness when they studied the indigenous and ignored the cultural differences between these indigenous peoples themselves, for instance Gallhofer et al (2000) believe that There are complex differences between the three groups of indigenous people and indeed between their different tribes. p 384 Questions Left to Answer The article raises issues and possibilities that should be focused on and questions need to be further explored; additional studies are needed to raise research possibilities beyond those identified and overcome method limitations. Conclusion In conclusion, the paper has promoted to the idea of providing evidence of differences between indigenous Australian values and the Western capitalist values in the accounting context. Some good cases have been presented with implementing a developed method in the field. Besides, several of good references have been used in order to develop the problem statement of the article, It could also be said that the yin and yang values framework which used in the paper has its limitation in terms of providing evidences of the problem studied. The conclusion was based on the findings from the critical contextual analysis used and the literature reviewed; also the recommendation was limited to a call for additional research in this area of research as some other researchers suggest (Gallhofer and Chew 2000). Overall, the study gives good contribution to knowledge in terms of the used method and the objectives, also the study would need to be linked to other works have been done on the same topic (Gallhofer, S., Chew, A. (2000), Gallhofer, S., el al (2000), Davie, S. (2000), Jayasinghe K. and Thomas D. (2009), to give better and broader understanding to the problem introduced in the mentioned article.

Ethical Behaviour Within The Work Place Philosophy Essay

Ethical Behaviour Within The Work Place Philosophy Essay Yes I believe that the use of ethical behavior will pay off in the long run. I believe that the ethical behavior at work place is highly influenced by the leaders at workplace. We human beings are social animals and as a part of one of our basic instincts we like to copy people we admire and respect. So if the leader is transparent, truthful, self-sacrificing and shows the highest standards of ethical and moral conduct his followers eventually develop respect and admiration. If the leader believes that ethical standards and ethical commitment builds customer trust and winning with integrity is the key mantra to business success then his/ her employees will do as well. This is what will attract and keep the best employees in the company. The main proposition for the ethical behavior is that ethical behavior is concerned with should and should not, and implies that there is required by law or which are commercially a responsibility of, and depends on the leadership in an organization, that the argument has significant implications for corporate governance. There are well known difficulties in defining the term leadership and in specifying what is meant by ethics in the context of business behavior, difficulties which have been rehearsed recently in the Journal of business Ethics.   While business ethics have always been important from a social and moral point of view, they also become a pragmatic requirement in the corporate Olympics. The doing- more- with less strategies place in even greater premiums on trust than did the adversarial protection, business practices of the traditional corporation. Some of the key characteristics of ethical behavior are: try to satisfy all constituencies, dedicated to high and broad purpose and also committed to learning in order to remain current and responsive to change which also tries to be the best at whatever they do. For example I would like to cite a story from my past experience in life. The principal of our school (ARMY SCHOOL) use to receive monthly salary through a cheque from the director general of the school committee. But once the principal received 2 cheques of the same amount for the same month. Being an ethical human being and a man of principles and values he returned the extra cheque back to the director gen eral. Now many of his colleagues said that he should have en cashed the money from the extra cheque and should not have returned it. However the principal replied that it would have been unethical if he would have used it for personal use. A few years later the director general of the school committee had to appoint a secretary for funds department and was looking for a suitable candidate. So all of his colleagues and other principals applied for the vacant position. Out of all the principals of army schools throughout northern India he chose our principal. All his colleagues were amazed as they were more qualified that he was and had much more experience. However when the director general of the school committee asked replied that there wasnt a better person than him suited for this job. Just because the principal was ethical and had high moral conduct, maybe he wasnt rewarded at that time but if we look at it, in the long run he outlasted all of his colleagues and was rewarded a m uch higher position than all of them. The same can be applied to the business as well. If one wants the business to survive and flourish successful one should have an ethical concern towards the customer, employees, shareholders and community. The customer always wants the quality of the product to be legit and want to be treated fairly while purchasing the product. Expecting the returns from the investments keeping the same standard of the growth within the business and maintaining the standard quality of the ethical behavior for the well beings of entire society. We learn from mistakes and we should be passionate about what we believe and I believe not matter what but we always learn from good ethical environment at workplace. Another advantage of ethical code is protection of company assets. A good example of high ethical standards in a company is when its employees protect the companys asset and not misuse them. Manager or the supervisor should take an active role in bringing awareness to all the individuals at the workplace of the responsibilities and expectations of the organization. Also he must set the standards at workplace for ethical code of conduct. He should make clear to the employees what is right and what is wrong. On the other hand the employees should actively be aware and should have knowledge of the ethical code of conduct. Management must demonstrate through consistent examples their personal alignment with ethical principles and values, their expectations that employees will do what is right and fair, their encouragement and support of open communication and candor within the organization. Responsibility is another element which is combining to the moral ethical value. The sense of responsibility also comes from within. If one feels proud of the company he /she is working and is satisfied from the work condition, then the urge to work ethically for that company comes from w ithin. One feels like taking the initiative to perform task. You dont make excuses or hide your face when a task is assigned to you instead you make sure that the task is performed in the right way and feel like taking up the whole responsibility for the task. This is what we call as winning with integrity. And when an employee reaches this stage their actions become unrestricted and they perform far better than what is expected out of them. Being ethical is essential when it comes to problem solving and improving processes. In a work place it is always required to establish baseline measures and increase the efficiency. Also one should never be afraid of admitting mistakes. If you cover up your unethical behavior then, firstly its can affect our image and secondly it prevents us from growing as leaders in the long run. For example once a teacher gave an assessment to 2 students which was due in weeks time. Once of the student was hard working and honest and the other one was totall y opposite but very clever at copying assessments. So the 1st student worked day and night to make the assessment however the 2nd student copied it from him and submitted it to the teacher before he could. After the assessment the 1st student got a zero and the 2nd one got 85%. When the teacher asked by the teacher for reason by the first student said the assessment was copied from the other student. But the hard working student didnt give up because deep inside he knew that he was ethically correct and hadnt cheated. At the end of the year when it came to the final exam the teacher gave a similar case study assessment. But the only difference was that it was to be finished in 3 hrs under his supervision. Now the 2nd student who used to slack of and never did any assessment by himself was dumbstruck and it was like the tip of his pen had almost frozen. He didnt know what to write and how to conduct the assessment. However the 1st student who always prepared his assessments honestly just knew what to write and how to write. He completed the assessment and cleared the semester with good grades however the copy cat failed the exam and had to re-sit the exam. The moral of the story is again that if you believe what youve done is right and complies with your ethical standards then it will always pay you off in the long run. So in all to sum it up the higher the ethical climate the higher the profit of an organization. If one has to be ethical at work then he/she should ask the following 4 basic questions from him/herself which are being practiced at Rotary international: Is it the truth? Is it fair to all concerned? Will it build good will and better relationships? Will it be beneficial to all concerned? If you can answer these four questions accurately then you are in a position to act ethical at your workplace. Also being ethical means solving common problems at workplace which are generally: Quality Safety Property Human relationships It is the duty of the leaders to understand them and make judgments. Finally it is our elders or leaders who pass ethics to us in many ways and if we learn from their experiences we will get to know that being ethical will pay you in the long run. Answer 2) Ethical leadership is about all knowing your core moral values and having the ability and courage to live them in every aspect of your life for the betterment and upliftment of the common. I would like to throw light on the fact that ethical leaders are also human beings but the only difference between an ethical leader and a regular human being is the moral courage. Life is not perfect and we are not perfect. Everyone has his/her own moral sense. We have the ability to make choices (right or wrong), important to us, as we travel the path of life. Choices which we choose are basically based upon the personal set of values we have quoted as rules or principles for how we will carry out and live our life. Also the fact remains that all the choices are not necessarily ethical. But most of us know when such a situation occurs. But standardizing our actions through moral conduct is the right thing to do. Before we discuss our main topic of discussion i.e. impact of ethical leaders on the society I would like to say that: Whatever type of ethical standards we have accustomed for ourselves will always be with us 24 by 7. There are no other different moral conducts or ethical principles for business. We carry them with our personality. Leaders co-exist everywhere. Leaders are everywhere in every field. They are present in a family, community, workplace, school and represent the interests of the common good. Besides that they safeguard rights of their followers. Some nations who are pioneers in certain fields and dominating the worlds economy call themselves as leader but when it comes to sense of moral conduct they are not ethical. Today, developments are taking place at a very rate but the standard of human life span is shrinking. The hunger for money and power has watered down the difference between right and wrong. We have designed a cob-web around us. Everyone wants to climb the ladder and reach to the very top even if it means pulling someone down and stepping on their head to do so. The harmful effects are noticeable in the environment around us, by chaos and increase in fraud, offence, contamination and social disturbance. Today the common masses have lost their trust in their leaders and blame them for their misery. For example in India, the population no longer believe that their political leaders are trustworthy. Most of the voters rate them low on ethical conduct and honesty. More than 50% of the subjects surveyed by JAGO (JAGO is a Hindi word meaning awaken or get up) India team on a campaign said that administration is literally making their lives worse. Unethical behaviour and corruption has amalgamated with moral values so much that our new generation can hardly distinguish the two. We learn it at the basic level for e.g. at school, home and sports. So we can says that it is very much involved at every point in business among employees and employers both. People prefer the alleyway (shortcut) instead of the highway. To be equipped with ethically competency in todays dynamic world we need to develop certain specific personal and social skills with a keen understanding of how to make well established flourishing economy while taking care of the world on which the life of the common mass depends as well. As an Indian and as a fellow human being I would like to say this on behalf of the mass population. If for once our politicians and leaders: think for the betterment of the mass population and not their self centred interests. Exhibit legitimacy and veracity in their conduct Then they should not be scared of any hatred for their ethical practices.   In some situations when leaders may feel extremely stressed that they have to decide between personal Benefits or Ethics. If siding with the ethics will only earn you reputation, then that should be the only option.   Leaders need to be unbiased towards their followers and should favour what is appropriate. This will spread of a lot of operation in the organization, even if it means creating some opponents, too. When no one is supporting the leader. They should act bold and adhere to the cause. If our leaders just even implement few of the above mentioned points I believe this world would be a much merrier place to live in. Ethical leaders need to be for the people, by the people and should be conscious of how their decisions impact others. The leaders should have the sense of serving the people from within and should come with benign interests for the mass population. This way they can motivate their follower and show them what self sacrifice means. This implementation involves participation of both the parties towards common goals. Ethical leadership is very important in communicating in a business culture as well. While making a decision the leader should make such choice or decision which is good both for the people and the business as well. The leaders should have lucid ethical conduct of doing business and make these principles known to others in their circle clearly. They should convey their message through all channels on all the possible grounds (personal, professional and legal). This not only helps in gaining respect and admiration from the employees but also gives a peace of mind for oneself knowing that one have done right. Dealing otherwise will generate mistrust at both personal and professional level. Ethical leaders should be truthful, see-through and trustworthy. For this very reason the world knows Mahatma Gandhi. There are many people who want to restore ethical values in the society. But, having a larger section infected with the virus, it becoming difficult to stay ethical and lucid in this dynamic world. If ethical leadership needs to be reformed it needs to introduced at the top level first The leaders would need to demonstrate an example of ethical behaviour before their followers expect it from their leaders.

Feminist Art Movement Essays -- Cindy Sherman 2014

In the late 1960 to 1980s when the woman artists’ work hardly could be published, unlike the men, the feminists artists were rejected by the museums, galleries and many women. The issue was that nobody could see how woman had so much valued art works to show. Only the male artists were allow to be published as artists, while the women suffered of discrimination. What the women wanted was that the world treat them as equals to men. The woman wanted something different than the men. This world has focused on only the male artists and their work. The women were shrouded in silence. Linda Nochlin who is an art critic asks, "Why have there been no great women artist?† (Nochlin 2) Since women's art were degraded and rejected by the public, women's artwork was hardly published. However, with the hardships and the endurance of women trying to earn their rights as artists, the visibility of their art is brought out by the exhibitions they produce. Therefore, during the 1970s thro ugh 1980s, the feminist art movement was the turning point for feminist art to become more visible to the public. The notion of the feminist art was that in the social life, males were dominant over females and men had more power than women. Lilith eZine (online magazine) argues, "Feminist theory must take into account the circumstances of most women's lives as mothers, household workers, and caregivers, in addition to the pervasive misconception that women are genetically inferior to men." (Lilith 7) Since "women are inferior to men", women's art was ignored by the museums and galleries. In the 1970s, women artists started a protest against gallery owners for not exhibiting women’s art thus this became the start of a movement called Feminist Art Mo... ...g inferior to men† during the 1960s to 1980s, women’s artwork was degraded, ignored and rejected. However, the continuous of women gathering to have their rights that should already have been accepted, through the Feminist Art Movement, female artists gained visibility. This movement was a big turning point and now we know who they are. Works Cited Douma, Michael. "Cindy Sherman's Untitled Film Stills." N.p., Online Posting to Color Vision & Art. Web. 28 Nov. 2014. . Woodman, Donald. "Judy Chicago." N.p., Online Posting to Through the Flower. Web. 28 Nov. 2014. . Wright, Coroline. â€Å"Why have there been no great women artists? An art historical question from a neurobiological perspective† N.P. Web. 28 Nov. 2014.

The Faults in the Recent Project of Sainsbury :: Sainsbury Business Management Essays

The Faults in the Recent Project of Sainsbury In 2000, Sainsbury’s began its â€Å"business transformation programme†. The grand plan includes what is arguably the largest and most ambitious retail supply chain project in Europe. The main driver was the need to cut costs. However, internal research found that the company’s cost-per-case was significantly higher than its nearest rivals. Sainsbury‘s had been managing distribution in the same way for more than 40 years, which is mainframe-based warehouse management system, Its typical distribution center was almost as old. Compared to the age of the average Tesco depot—seven years—Sainsbury's depots were nearing the end of their useful life. The old system of depots was designed for the purposes, such as packing for meat and own-brand goods. However, it means that one store could be receiving goods from five or six different depots in any one day, which was highly inefficient. The old delivery system was also ill-suited to changes in customer tastes, habits and store locations. Supermarkets have to offer a wider range of products, in smaller volumes and at lower prices, than in the past, to people who shop when they need to rather than stocking up once a week. â€Å"Today, Sainsbury’s carries 2.5 million cases per week from around 2,000 suppliers. It also has to deliver them to 500 outlets every day, ranging from traditional large stores to smaller shops on previously untapped territories, such as railway terminals and Shell petrol stations. Given this diversity, daily â€Å"waves† of restocking are required from 5am onwards.† (http://www.supplymanagement.com/archiveitem.asp?id=8784, 4/4/2005) In order to service this need, Sainsbury revamped its supply chain and created a complete end to end supply management system. â€Å"The initial timeline for the project was seven years, as the struggling chain set about pruning a network of 25 distribution centres to just nine facilities in eight regions around the UK. Another part of the plan was to build four giant warehouses, two of them fully automated, for  £400 million each." (http://www.supplymanagement.com/archiveitem.asp?id=8784, 4/4/2005) Sainsbury did it in three years, to catch up with, in some cases, and some cases overtake its rivals. Sainsbury's uses a number of IT systems to manage its supply chain, mostly within the Accenture outsourcing deal. Distribution warehouse management systems are provided by Manhattan Associates. Eqos has built an alerts system to improve stock availability in store, based on Microsoft .net technology. And Retek has supplied software to forecast product demand in Sainsbury's stores. By implementing automation, Sainsbury was hoping also to avoid human errors so that errors were right at the first time Although, Sainsbury has been working hard to improve its supply chain, however, the operation of its four new automated depots

Can Manufactured Bands Ever Be Classified As good Art? The Effect O :: essays research papers

Can Manufactured Bands Ever be Classified as 'Good' Art? The Effect of the Market on the Construction of Music Introduction Manufactured bands now make up a major percentage of chart music today, not least of them Take That, Boyzone, Bad Boys inc., East 17 and other all-boy pop bands. In this essay I would like to discuss how the standard of art has been lowered by the capitalistic system of the music industry, using a specific example - "Upside Down", which is maybe the latest addition to this genre of music. By this genre of music, I mean the all-boy bands which have been specifically manufactured and targeted at the 'teenybopper' age class (and also the gay market?). Personal Opinions To argue that this form of art is 'bad' art, one must have a reference point - a set of values by which to judge. This is almost always a personal opinion, and I would first of all like to explain my personal opinion. I believe that 'good' art has something to offer to the individual perceiver, be it painting, book, film, dance or music. These are all different forms of art, but one thing binds them all together - the fact that they are creations, created and crafted to the personal specifications of the artist. This makes the product original. Two values by which I judge music are creativity and originality. I believe that good art provides 'food for thought' - that special something which, after the tape has finished, after leaving the cinema or closing a book, leaves an 'aftertaste' - something to think about, be it, 'how did he/she play that' or, 'what was he/she trying to say with that piece,' the list goes on. Basic Market Analysis For the purposes of this essay, I want to split marketing into two general strategies. The first of these is where the designers make a "product" to their own specifications and then look to see where and how they will be able to sell it in the overall market. The second strategy is the opposite of the first - the designers examine the general market, target a certain area and tailor make a product to fit this area exactly. The latter of these strategies is the one employed when a band is going to be manufactured. The designers have studied the market and worked out what they think they can sell a certain group of consumers. Hirschman's 'three market segments' model (see figure 1) can be used to explain which type of bands fall into which category. The first segment is titled "Self-orientated Creativity.

An Analysis of Walt Disney’s Cinderella

Sex Roles (2007) 56:717–727 DOI 10. 1007/s11199-007-9236-y ORIGINAL ARTICLE The Production of Meaning through Peer Interaction: Children and Walt Disney’s Cinderella Lori Baker-Sperry Published online: 5 June 2007 # Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2007 Abstract For many years researchers have understood that gender roles in children’s literature have the capacity to create and reinforce â€Å"meanings† of femininity and masculinity (Currie, Gend. Soc. , 11: 453–477, 1997; Gledhill, Genre and gender: The case of soap opera. In S. Hall (Ed. ), Representation (pp. 339–383). London: Sage, 1985; Tatar, Off with their heads! Fairy tales and the culture of childhood. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993; Zipes, Happily ever after. New York: Routledge, 1997). The purpose of this study was to investigate children’s interpretation of a popular gendered fairy tale at the level of peer interaction. Walt Disney’s Cinderella was used in elementary school reading groups to investigate the ways that children understand messages regarding gender and the influence of peer culture on the production of meaning. The findings indicate that gender and gendered expectations were essential to the process of interpretation and the construction of eaning for the children. Gender unified the boys and girls into two distinct groups, particularly around the â€Å"girls’ book,† Cinderella. Gender was reinforced along traditional lines in the peer group, serving as a deterrent to the production of alternate interpretations to traditional messages in the text. Keywords Gender . Peer interaction . Children . Agency . Cinderella Introduction Children’s literature has long been cited as a vehicle for the transmission of gendered values and messages (Weitzman et L. Baker-Sperry (*) Department of Women’s Studies, Western Illinois University, 500 Currens Hall, Macomb, IL 61455, USA -mail: [email  protected] edu al. 1972; Agee 1993; Zipes 1997). The ability of children’s literature to impart meaning and reflect social constructions of masculinity and femininity to its readers has also been documented (Currie 1997; Gledhill 1985; Zipes 1997). More recently, particular attention has been paid to the influence of peer culture in the construction of meaning derived from media sources, children’s literature included (Corsaro 1997; Currie 1997; Davies 1990; Milkie 1994; Pike and Jennings 2005). The purpose of the present study was to examine how children’s peer culture influences the interpretation of endered messages derived from children’s literature. Interpretive Reproduction and Children’s Peer Culture Children are inventive and resourceful social participants in the preservation (reproduction), interpretation, and formation of their social world as they actively interpret the social world by constructing the meaning of social messages (Corsaro 1997, 1992). Corsaro (1997) stated that children â€Å"quickly appropriate, use, and transform symbolic culture as they produce and participate in peer culture† (p. 100). This view of the child’s active interpretation of the social world, termed interpretive reproduction, conceptualizes hildren as research participants and social individuals. Children appropriate messages and meanings from the world of adults and filter them through their own understanding and experiences. Children’s responses to social messages indicate their ability to understand and make meaning of the social world. This does not occur simply as the child’s reaction to social messaging, however. The process of interpretation is most effectively negotiated at the level of interaction where understanding is conceptualized, organized, and reaffirmed through peer identity (Corsaro 1997; Currie 1997; Davies 1990; Miller et al. 990). Through interaction that occurs within everyday routines (Corsaro 1997), Sex Roles (2007) 56:717–727 718 children are able to learn the rules of the social group in which they are a part. Interaction in the peer group also solidifies gendered perspectives (Hibbard and Buhrmester 1998; Thorne 1997). Acting out gender, as well as sometimes pushing its boundaries, is often manifested in the peer group. Children discursively position themselves as boys or girls in their play, thus reifying the dichotomous nature of the construction of gender through peer interaction (Davies 2003; Hibbard and Buhrmester 1998).Children also rely heavily on traditional normative structures to make sense of the world, and they often accept gendered expectations as truth. The process of internalization and negotiation of messages becomes unique in relation to gender when one considers the primacy of gendered norms and expectations. Do children have the social freedom to explore and possibly deconstruct gendered messages within the peer group, or are gendered roles and expectations simply too rigid to allow that? Gendered Messages and the Peer Group: Prescription or Negotiation?Scholars have identified fairy tales as vehicles of gendered messages and forms of prescriptive literature for children (Baker-Sperry and Grauerholz 2003; Bettelheim 1976; Tatar 1993; Zipes 1997), and others have argued that such gendered messages are interpreted and reinforced through peer interaction (Corsaro 1997; Milkie 1994). Corsaro (1997, p. 4) identified children’s literature, particularly fairy tales, as important sources that are â€Å"primarily mediated by adults in cultural routines in the family and other settings. † The intent of the present study was not to document which essages are gendered, but how gendered messages are understood and internalized by children and, further, the ways that such tales are interpreted through peer interaction.The static, gendered messages and the highly structured form of the fairy tale provide a vehicle for children to interpret gendered norms and expectations more clearly. The well-known tale Cinderella was chosen for its clear, traditional depiction of gendered expectations, fantasy, and romantic love as well as for its current status as a feminine text limited to the world of girls in its recent production and advertisement (e. g. a story central to the â€Å"Disney Princesses†) (Shumway 2003; Zipes 1997). Cinderella is a tale that focuses on girls and women, with predominantly female characters. Boys are not likely to embrace a female main character (Hibbard and Buhrmester 1998; Pike and Jennings 2005). Girls, however, are often willing to embrace a male main character such the popular children’s character, Harry Potter, for example. Choosing Cinderella for the present study was an intentional way to clarify the reactions to a book clearly identified as targeting one sex and not the other.The choice of a à ¢â‚¬Å"feminine† text that lluminates this relationship between boys, girls, and gendered text was deliberate. Fairy tale scholar Jack Zipes (1997) has argued that, currently, children’s understanding and image associations of the fairy tale Cinderella are so closely linked with the animated film Cinderella (Disney 1950) that they are inseparable. Based on the expectation that the children may describe Disney’s animated images even when not referenced, and that this might lead to the incorrect assumption that the children were exploring alternate ways of telling the story when in fact they were reproducing the opular Disney image, a textual version of Walt Disney’s Cinderella that contained many of the well-known images from the animated film was selected for use in the present study. An analysis of Walt Disney’s Cinderella, in preparation for data collection, produced several themes. These assertions are supported by Shumway’s (2003) assertio ns concerning traditional feminine text and in Grauerholz and Baker-Sperry’s (2007) findings on pervasive themes within popular Grimms’ tales. These themes guided, but did not limit, the discussion and influenced the questions asked of students during the reading groups.Romantic Love The text is a romantic tale in that love and/or marriage are driving forces and the text â€Å"deals with love that leads to marriage or love outside of marriage, but not love in marriage† (Shumway 2003, p. 3). The story’s inevitable culmination in marriage, coupled with elements of love at first sight and the concurrent competition among women for the prince, is pivotal to the overall action of the story Cinderella. The search for a suitable marriage partner for the prince is the reason for the ball. Gendered Role Expectations in Disney’s Cinderella Although the stepmother and stepsisters do not engage in raditional domestic work, Cinderella is required to do so. All women in the text are concerned with physical appearance of self or other and clearly understand this to have direct impact on the ability to procure a suitable mate. Men in the tale fill traditionally masculine status roles: king, prince, and ambassador. The men have obvious social power; the women struggle to attain or maintain status on their own. Transformation Cinderella is transformed from a dutiful and submissive girl imprisoned in a domestic world to a beautiful and enviable young woman thrust into the public and both desired and sought by the prince.Transformation may be highly Sex Roles (2007) 56:717–727 attractive to young girls, given the tendency to link femininity with beauty, desirability, and marriage suitability. Boys may or may not be used to experiencing the progression of a male character or the development of masculinity in such a way. Rescuer and Rescued Although the man’s role is de-emphasized in this tale, the â€Å"Cinderella story† is o ne of trial, rescue, and redemption (return to rightful place). The prince, who offers Cinderella an escape from her dire circumstances, is the true rescuer. This construct serves to support traditional notions about asculinity and femininity. Importance of Physical Beauty Cinderella is identified as good and industrious, but she is also very beautiful. It is her beauty that first attracts the prince, as well as her mystery, and it is her beauty (symbolic in the form of a small foot encased in glass) that confirms her place as rightful bride. Domestic slavery also hid her physical beauty.The Lack of a Pivotal Male Role This is really a story about girls and women, and the young prince does not play a central action role. The king and his advisor, although both male and powerful by their status, re relatively asexual and are juvenilized in the portrayal of their antics. The protagonist is female (Cinderella), and the key supporting characters are also female: the wicked stepmother, u nattractive stepsisters, and the fairy godmother. The decentralization of male character further instantiates this tale as a feminine love story (Shumway 2003). These themes situate the text, Cinderella, as a highly gendered and traditionally normative story through which an analysis of interpretations as negotiated in peer groups may occur.In the present study I explored the following research questions about the ways that gendered messages re understood, appropriated, or reinvented through interaction: How does the peer group influence the production of meaning concerning gendered messages? Do boys and girls contribute to the production of meaning in the peer groups in similar ways? To what extent do boys and girls reject or accept the tale as about them? To what extent do the children accept the traditional gender representations without question? Do they produce interpretations that displace traditional stereotypes and gendered expectations? Analysis of these questions, through the lens of symbolic interaction and the sociology of childhood, serves to lluminate the relationship between gendered text and the everyday world of the child. 719 Method Setting and Participants To collect the data for this project, I participated in informal, intensive, preliminary observation of 148 students in eight first-grade classrooms. In six of the eight classrooms, a total of 50 students participated in reading groups. Each reading group contained between nine and nine children, except for one group of 11 participants. Walt Disney’s version of Cinderella (Disney 1986) was the subject matter for each reading group. All students involved were either 6 or 7 years old and were in the first grade.All data were collected in a public elementary school serving a midwestern rural area (population 21,659). The children’s socioeconomic backgrounds ranged from uppermiddle class (parents often university employed with high educational attainment) to children with unemplo yed heads of households (the area experienced two factory closings immediately prior to data collection). The participants were otherwise relatively homogenous. The majority of children had working parents and either single, two-parent, or blended families. Eighty-nine percent of the children in the study were European American, 8% were AfricanAmerican, and 3% were Asian American. These numbers are representative of the larger population for the area (U. S. Bureau of the Census 2000). At all possible times, reading groups were conducted when Children of Color were present (e. g. , scheduling around sick days). The reading groups were formed by classroom, and consisted only of children who met the criteria: first-grade status, a willingness to participate, and a consent form signed by a parent or guardian. As a member of the university community, I was granted admission in the classroom by the principal and then by each individual teacher.The local university houses a successful elem entary education program, and the number of university associates at the school at any given time is quite large. Student teachers, researchers, facilitators, and assessors are present throughout the regular school year. The students and teachers were very friendly and quickly became accustomed to my presence. Procedure Preliminary Observation The use of interpretive ethnographic methods (Corsaro 1997; Eder and Corsaro 1999) has become more prominent since researchers began to explore â€Å"the meaning of social processes from the perspective of those studied† (Corsaro 997, p. 75). To become familiar with how children actively engaged in group work, as opposed to working Sex Roles (2007) 56:717–727 720 singly or as a larger class, I engaged in preliminary observation of eight first-grade classrooms over a 3 month period for approximately 4 h/week.Observation occurred during the children’s classroom reading time, scheduled time to work in groups, and/or time usua lly scheduled for â€Å"extra activities,† such as movies. This time spent in the elementary school was an introduction to the nature of these everyday routines and to the research participants. I then ngaged in the primary data collection by conducting reading groups with the children. Reading Groups Data collection occurred in structured reading groups to explore the ways that children negotiate peer relationships in a small group around the highly traditional and gendered fairy tale, Cinderella. The reading groups were chosen as the primary method of data collection because they were naturally occurring and provided a flexible, yet constant routine in the children’s school day, one where intentional learning was conducted while children were encouraged to think and work in groups.The style and format of the reading groups closely resembled the usual in-class format. For this study, I invited the children to come sit on the floor and hear me read the tale Cinderella (Disney 1986) as was their usual way. All children chose to participate, although they were given the option to decline. I allowed the children to discuss the illustrations and make interjections throughout the tale, though they were accustomed to a pattern of listening while the story was read and of asking any questions afterward. Overall, the atmosphere of the reading group was very relaxed. Control over the attention of the group was fairly asy to maintain, due in large part to the children’s familiarity with the reading group structure and with being read to by adults other than the teacher (e. g. , parents often did this). Each reading group was recorded using a video camera on a tripod in a corner of the classroom. As the classrooms were small, I was able to capture the reading group interaction, albeit from only one angle. The students did not to respond to the camera as I had anticipated. After the initial set-up occurred, they ignored the camera. I later transcribed all tapes and typed my observation notes myself. I am identified in the transcripts as LBS.All students’ names were changed. Results To become familiar with the environment, I often asked the children questions, engaged in their play, and physically joined them as they learned (e. g. , I sometimes sat with the group on the floor). Initially, the students questioned my role in their classrooms and wondered why I did not actively participate in the regular work in a normative adult way as a student teacher or librarian might. Quickly, the children became accustomed to my presence, and I was soon the object of friendly and playful competition. Students would often ask to sit by me during an activity r ask me to â€Å"come out and play tag with us† while lining up for recess. In conjunction with what Davies (2003) found, by not behaving in an authoritative way, I was quickly welcomed into the children’s activities.The children did not forget that I was an adult, as evidenced in the following excerpt from field notes, but often used my age to situational advantage: The children played â€Å"knock from the chair† today during free time. I was invited to play and agreed to sit on the chair while one team of children tried to knock me off. Soon there were cries of â€Å"no fair, she is too hard to knock off! immediately followed by a discussion about how to reconfigure the teams so that I was on theirs! Before we determined membership, the game was halted by the teaching assistant for roughness (observation notes, October 1999). There were also times when my adult status was obvious and irrevocable. For example, one day a boy fell backwards in his chair and hit his head on the floor.Immediately, I stepped outside of my role of observer and confidante and assumed adult status. There were times when the children became rather more formal in their interactions with me, such as when I became a reader, a role often filled by eacher, parent, or other adult. I also believe that the reading groups, although they occurred only once with each group of children, underscored my adult status. This meant that, at times, the children and I interacted more formally, whereas at other times I was easily invited into the game or activity. The interactions below are representative of what occurred during the reading groups, and are infused with a familiarity between myself and the children, but are also reflective of the structured routine of the reading group and therefore are more reserved in nature than other forms of interaction that occurred.Gendered Role Expectations The children were very familiar with the Disney version of the fairy tale, Cinderella. They knew the story well enough to finish my sentences as I read. When I read â€Å"On Cinderella ’s feet were tiny†¦. , † many immediately responded with â€Å"glass slippers. † Similarly, many of the students joined in at the end of the tale with â€Å" †¦ happily every after! † In fact, the students knew the story so well (particularly demonstrated by the girls), and were at times Sex Roles (2007) 56:717–727 so caught up in the tale, that they jumped ahead in their excitement, finishing the story long before the end.Many students also knew the names of Cinderella’s animal friends, an element unique to the Disney version. In the reading groups, stereotypical views of traditional gender expectations were reproduced in the children’s accounts of the tale. When asked about Cinderella’s physical appearance prior to the reading of the tale, the children responded with a characterization of Cinderella that is consistent of Disney’s well-known image. The children’s description of Cinderella’s personality was also static and highly traditional, in keeping with the text. Cinderella was identified as beautiful, nice, deserving of riends, and as skilled in domestic tasks. These are h ighly emphasized elements within the tale and were consistently linked to one another by the children in the reading groups. The students did not problematize this imagery. The students characterized the stepsisters as ugly, mean, and inept in feminine skills.Therefore, they identified them in ways that were, for the most part, consistent with the text. The stepmother was described in ways that reflect her characterization in the story, both in text and in pictures. For example, Cinderella’s father, at the beginning of the tale, is shown as a young man, possibly in his late 20s, ppropriate for the father of a young girl. Concurrently, the stepmother is illustrated as gray, older, and very matronly. The students indicated that they noticed some of the inconsistency. Linda: Her hair is gray. Carol: She is old. LBS: Right, she is older. Ben: She is 100 years old. Those are her grandchildren. LBS: She is 100 years old? But those are her daughters. [Laughter and exclamations of â €Å"No! † from the students. ] The students, particularly the girls, were aware of the stepmother ’s lack of beauty. Her appearance, age, and the fact that she is â€Å"mean† were often discussed.She was not defended as a mother or as a person. No child made a positive statement about the stepmother or her behavior. The prince was characterized positively by the girls, who saw him as a romantic character. The girls described the prince as handsome, although the text did not. There is no mention of handsomeness in the tale Cinderella (BakerSperry and Grauerholz 2003). LBS: What does the prince look like? Brooke: Handsome! Jill: Charming. Gary: What’s that mean? Marge: That is his name. LBS: What does charming mean? Marge: That’s his name Jill: He is beautiful, handsome. Brooke: He is dreamy. 721Although the text does not identify the Prince as handsome, charming, or dreamy, these names were often linked to this character by the girls, particularly w hen asked (specifically and repeatedly) about his appearance. The students did not once, however, reply that they did not know what the prince looks like or that the book does not provide that information textually, nor did they make reference to the images offered in the book’s illustrations. Nor did they indicate that he was not attractive or balk at the question. The text does offer much insight as to the prince’s personality, and the students did not elaborate.In the previous excerpt, the prince was also identified as charming, a commonly used designation for many fairy tale princes, but Marge could not define charming except to say â€Å"that is his name. † Davies (2003), in her work with children and feminist fairy tales, found that the belief that the primary male or female character will be attractive supersedes textual portrayals. This is the case here, possibly because attractiveness is more in keeping with the romantic nature of the tale. The children did not question the basic gendered assumptions embodied in many images and characterizations in the text, nor did they explore alternatives.For example, no child commented that the stepmother is not motherly toward Cinderella, that she does not look motherly, or that her personality does not fit with what one might associate with mothering, although her physical appearance is inconsistent with popular images of mothers, which was mentioned (see above). No child questioned Cinderella’s desire to marry the prince. Such consistency across responses indicates that this group of children accepts many of the normative gendered images within the text without overtly questioning them, yet questioned those that do not fit expectations (as the stepmother ’s ppearance). Corsaro (1997, p. 20) argued that â€Å"confusions are addressed but not resolved in routines,† but these reading groups served as routines where basic gendered assumptions were negotiated and interpreted , but not necessarily problematized or resisted. The Girls in the Group: Cinderella as a Site of Femininity Retelling the Tale: A Form of Social Power The girls in the present study often found social power or acceptance in the retelling of the tale. For the girls, there was more at stake in telling the story as it was read, than in changing the story to reflect less traditional roles and behaviors.This was documented in numerous ways; for example, one girl was quickly admonished by another for suggesting that â€Å"maybe Cinderella did not like her fancy ball dress. † In keeping with West and Zimmerman’s (1987) theory of gender work and performance, the girls wanted to 722 be perceived as feminine and, therefore, to prove their femininity through sharing components of the tale within the peer group. By retelling and defending the tale as it was read, they reinforced their positions as girls and as knowledgeable of the feminine world. Assertion of femininity was most i nfluential with other girls, but the oys did not problematize the girls’ interest (as they did with other boys’). These examples lead to questions about the extent to which â€Å"doing gender† (West and Zimmerman 1987) influences the process of interpretation and the construction of meaning within the peer group. If active negotiation is about sometimes resisting dominant messages in favor of working out meaning within the peer group, but doing gender is about affirming gendered stereotypes within the same group, the two ways of understanding and making sense of the world are at odds. Girls: Filtering Fantasy through ExperienceFantasy and the dream world informed the ways the girls discussed the tale. They often combined the fantasy world with their everyday lived experience to create a space for their own storytelling and/or interaction with the text. Many of the children discussed the text in terms of how their lives did or did not parallel the fairy tale, but the girls repeatedly engaged in fantasizing about their futures as we read. Sometimes the girls would decide that the ideology of the fairy tale world and their personal expectations for the future conflicted. Bridget: I am going to get married to a prince. He is oing to meet me at the ball. [gets up and dances around in a small circle] Karen: I don’t think they have balls anymore†¦. Bridget: I am going to have one when I turn 6†¦ Kristi: 6? You are 6, dummy. Right? Lana: I wouldn’t want to go to a ball if that is what happens. [marriage] Bridget: I mean 16. Lana: I don’t want to get married [until] I am 23. Bridget: Well, I can do what I want. [sitting down] When the content of the fairy tale struck children as related to or reflective of their own lives, personal desires, or experiences, it was obvious that their interest in the tale was elevated.This process of identifying with the text seemed to blur reality with fantasy. It was when the text did not strike the children as reflective of their lives that the processes of interpretation and group interaction were most clear. At these times, the children worked to create an image that was more reflective of their lived experience. The girls connected with the story, labeled it as â€Å"about them,† and identified more with the protagonist. There were also times, however, when they acknowledged identification with the less positively identified characters (e. g. , those Sex Roles (2007) 56:717–727 haracterized as bad or ugly, such as the stepsisters). When they discussed the stepsisters’ behavior toward Cinderella, the children spoke in terms of their own punishment for similar misdeeds.Bridget: They are very, very, very, very selfish. Karen: They should get a swat. Kristi: [Swats her own bottom. ] I have had a swat. Bridget: On the bottom! Many of the girls discussed the tale in terms of what they had done or would like to do, who they are or would like to be. The girls sometimes seemed envious of Cinderella. For example, one girl asked, with a voice full of anxiousness, ow Cinderella got to be so beautiful, and stated that she wanted to be as beautiful as Cinderella. Even at age 6, a girl knows that beauty is rewarded in our society. LBS: What does Cinderella look like? Isabel: Very, very, very beautiful. Shelly: She probably looks very pretty with blond hair [touches her brown hair] and blue eyes. [touching near her own brown eyes] Isabel: I have blond hair [touching her hair] and blue eyes! [Shelly swats Isabel] This passage illustrates how children identify with a story, discussing it in terms of how the characters are â€Å"like them† and how the situations parallel their experiences.Furthermore, the girls were interested in what might be in store for them as adults by assuming that what happens in the tale might happen in their lives as well. Currie (1997) argued that the adolescent girls in her study gave the messages in teen magazines ontological status, that they saw them as true and reflective of their own lives. Similarly, although the participants in the present study also identified the tale as â€Å"a dream world,† the girls viewed Cinderella’s experience as one that might someday happen to them. In so doing, they embraced the ideological messages about emininity, yet, at the same time, negotiated, added to, and subtracted from the tale as they filtered the messages through their own experiences, hopes, and desires. For example, they were particularly interested in Cinderella’s new married life. Kristi: Does Cinderella have babies after she gets married? LBS: The book does not say; what do you think? Kristi: She should have babies, and she will change diapers, right? LBS: If they have babies, do you think the prince will change diapers? Chorus: No! The girls offered interpretations that existed within the traditional framework of the text.Corsaro (1997) asserted hat chil dren engage in interpretive reproduction, and, in so doing, they borrow from adult culture and renegotiate the messages in a reflexive process of defining and (re) Sex Roles (2007) 56:717–727 producing what is real. But that they borrow from their own lived experience is clearly evident in many of their discussions and reactions to the text. The girls’ belief that Cinderella (and they themselves) could marry and experience this traditional love story, at the same time as they realize that parts of the tale simply are not possible (such as the fairy godmother who turns a pumpkin into a coach), or re not realistic for them (marriage at a very young age), speaks to this process. They are taking the reality of their own experiences and blending it, through their discussion, with their understanding of what they are and what they might hope to experience in the future. Delight and Damage: Girls’ Peer Culture and Expectations of the Feminine During the reading groups, most girls were excited, often interjecting comments, such as â€Å"I have Cinderella Barbie,† and running ahead in the story. One girl asked to have the story read again. Many girls in the reading groups engaged in spontaneous role play.Role play does not usually happen after a story is read in the everyday classroom. As I did not discourage eager comments or the beginnings of role play when they first occurred in each group, they may well have simply taken my cue. One example of particularly exuberant role play occurred after a short debate over Cinderella’s age. Meg: She was not much older than me in the book. I think she was my age. Carla: She was old enough to get married. Meg: She grew up in the book. Like this. [stands up and twirls around] When she got her dress. Do you like my dress? I am going to the ball.Carla: No, this is how Cinderella danced. [stands and begins dancing] Rachel: I will be Cinderella when she tries on the shoe. LBS: How many Cinderellas ar e there, anyway? [laughing] Tess: We are all Cinderella! [others get up to dance] As in this example, the girls often worked to allow everyone to be involved. This is not to say that competition for the status-filled position of Cinderella did not occur. It did. But, most often, the girls worked together to make meaning of the tale. Role play did not happen routinely with the boys, and they usually stayed seated when the girls were acting out the tale.In the only example of role play in which the boys were actively involved, the prince and his friend left the group to chase dragons before the ball began, about midway through the tale. There were examples of less affiliative interaction between the girls. In one role play example, a particular girl was singled out as â€Å"not Cinderella† because of her physical appearance. It was difficult to witness the 723 interaction when a girl said â€Å"you can’t be Cinderella, but you could be the ugly stepsister. † The c ompetition inherent in the story was painful when witnessed in children in the real world.As I stood to signal the end of the reading group, another little girl said to the first: â€Å"Don’t listen to her†¦ she just doesn’t have a nice heart. † The gender work in the children’s groups was, in many ways, reflective of the expectations and pressures of the larger adult world. The Boys in the Group: Peer Culture of Resistance It should come as no surprise that the boys generally defined Cinderella as a â€Å"girls’ book,† and, although often they actively listened or commented, they made it clear from the beginning that this is not the book they would have chosen. This was an expected response based upon the hosen text. Even though there were many loud guffaws at the introduction of the text, it was fairly clear that the boys were as familiar with the tale as the girls were. The boys did answer questions and offer comments, but as often a s not it was to steer the discussion off track.This tactic was noticeably common among the boys, and they engaged in some friendly competition as to who might be the most successful, complementing each other on a job well done. The boys also rivaled one another for the attention of the group and for my attention. As we had spent time in other orms of classroom interaction, our relationships were often friendly and familiar. But, when it came to approval from the group or my approval, the boys usually sought approval from the group. This was often manifested in raucous storytelling. Their stories or comments interested the group because of their (sometimes sexually suggestive) shock value. LBS: On Cinderella’s feet were..? Mike: Shoes. Larry: Glass shoes. Chorus: Glass slippers! Larry: It looks like a glass dress!! I wish it were a glass dress! Larry: Ha! It would be funny if it was†¦ Mike: And then we could see†¦ LBS: All right.Her slippers are the only clothing ite m made of glass. One should note here that the student might not have received my approval, but the comment did receive my attention. Teachers often told me that sometimes students would seek notice regardless of the consequences. Although I actively fostered a relationship where the children were less likely to view me as an authority figure, I was, regardless, an adult. Some of the alternate responses may simply be attributed to the boy’s unwillingness to embrace the more romantic images in the tale (and their keen 724 awareness of the repercussions if they did).At one point, a boy broke out in song: Matt [singing]: â€Å"Happily Ever After and kiss my hand! † LBS: I have a couple of quick questions for you, do you mind answering? [No comment] LBS: What is the Prince like? Matt: Stupid. Ben: Dumb. Brian: A dummy. Jeremy: He got in a coach crash. LBS: Why? Matt: Because he does not even love her. LBS: Why? Matt: [in a gruff voice] Because she is rotten to the core!â⠂¬ ¦ LBS: What is Cinderella like? Chorus: Dumb. LBS: Nice or mean? Ben: She is a cleaning lady. Matt: She loves me. LBS: I did not know she had ever met you. [Boys laugh] The satirical nature of these responses is evident.Not only did the boys challenge the structure of the reading group and my authority as a researcher, but they also pushed the boundaries in terms of what is considered by adults in the school system to be an â€Å"acceptable† reference to sex and sexuality. In stopping the conversation, my status as an adult was emphasized, which hindered my inclusion to their world. The boys did not elaborate on the tale in ways that identified with the prince, the king, or with Cinderella. Furthermore, the boys did not experience any social rewards from other boys for knowing the story. In fact, ost of the boys adamantly argued that they did not care for the story at all and reacted negatively toward any boy who showed any sign of interest in the tale. The only boy who to ok an interest in the prince used a different characterization than what was offered in the tale, although his description clearly resonates with masculine culture and expectations of male sexuality. Mark: I think the prince has a lot of dances. Joe: What? Dances? Mark: He dances and dances and dances because he likes to kiss lots of girls†¦ Joe: Oh, yeah, well he does not dance if he doesn’t have to. [shrugs] Mark: He does have to so he does.Joe: Yeah, I would dance if I had to. Mark: What? This conversation illustrates the tension between the social expectations that the boys sensed from one another and the larger adult world, as well as the conflicted nature Sex Roles (2007) 56:717–727 of the traditional stories of heterosexual love and masculinity. Examples such as this, when juxtaposed with the preceding examples of some of the girls’ responses, demonstrate the reproduction of larger social norms concerning sexuality and desire, as well as acceptable r oles and displays for men and women. The boys were not always willing to offer a response, resumably for fear of disapproval from the other boys in the group. In one group, for example, I could not elicit a verbal response from any of the boys unless I asked them a direct question, and then I would receive a very short reply. One shrugged his shoulders at a general question aimed at the group; the others shifted sidelong glances at each other. They did not seem to feel the need to feign enthusiasm for the book.A girl in the group stated that the boys did not like it because â€Å"†¦ it is a girls’ book, even though there are men in it. † In that particular case, one girl in the group attempted to xplain the boys’ attitudes toward the tale. The anxiety that the boys’ silence produced in the girls was acute, as was evidenced by multiple responses, both apologetic comments stated to me and admonitions to the boys. The girls wanted to discuss the tale, a nd they desired my approval, in part so that I would keep reading. They were embarrassed by the boys’ lack of enthusiasm, and indicated that they were worried that it might hurt my feelings or cause me to end the reading group. The boys seemed to sense the power of their own silence, even to revel in it, but the girls did not enjoy the silence at all.In each of the groups, most of the boys began to disengage within the first 10 min. Inevitably, one or two boys began quietly to discuss something other than the story, and the other boys quickly tuned in to what it was that they were doing or saying. In fact, if a boy in the group did not become engaged in these other interests, he was often solicited by a boy sitting next to him, or the other boys would look at each other and signal about him. For example, one boy who seemed to be shunned by the group as a whole engaged neither in conversation about the text nor in the boys’ alternate conversations.Most boys ignored him, although one said â€Å"Mark likes Cinderella† in a derogatory way, to identify Mark as â€Å"not one of us. † Another boy, clearly interested in the tale, quickly realized that the other boys disapproved after he made an initial comment, and he spent the rest of the reading group attempting to regain his position as â€Å"one of us† by stating that â€Å"Cinderella stinks. † These findings illustrate how gendered behavior is expected of and by boys and girls. Whether Mark had earlier shown an interest in â€Å"girls’ stuff† or was alienated from the boys as an unpopular student, his gender was suspect and became a means of torment.The second boy is an example of the work commonly done to regulate Sex Roles (2007) 56:717–727 masculine behavior. Most students were very in-tune with the group’s expectations for gendered behavior and quickly accommodated. Davies (2003) argued that teasing and alienation serve to maintain the cate gorical boundaries between the constructions of femininity and masculinity. This regular, everyday maintenance work was evidenced here in the boys’ treatment of the group member who deviated from the expected response. Only one boy who spoke positively about the tale was not chastised by the other boys.This instance was also one of the rare occasions when a child offered an alternate image from a media source more reflective of lived experience or identity. Recently there have been a number of attempts to create films of fairy tales that include challenges to traditional messages, such as Rodgers and Hammerstein’s Cinderella (1997), starring Brandy, a young African American woman, as Cinderella. Rodgers and Hammerstein’s Cinderella was also produced by Disney Studios. LBS: How many of you liked that story? Derrick: I have the movie, but Cinderella is Black. LBS: Do you have the movie with Brandy in it?Derrick: Yes. This student, an African American, referenced t he images from this alternate source. No one in his group, however, seemed to be familiar with this version, and only two other children in other reading groups mentioned the alternate Disney version of the tale. Discussion As has been previously argued, and is evidenced by the data in the present study, there are very few children who have not been exposed to Walt Disney’s Cinderella. The assertion that the media serve as vehicles of women’s subordination is a common element among theories of gender and gender socialization. The fact that children onsume stories like Cinderella on an everyday basis, and that stories often reify highly gendered constructions of behavior and roles, encourages us to look closely at the messages within the media to which children are exposed (Baker-Sperry and Grauerholz 2003). It is important to explore the extent to which children take these well-known messages and filter them through their lived experiences, altering them and sometimes producing new readings of gender, but it is also necessary to note that, if the text is ‘about them,’ then the children are more likely to contribute ontological status, or truth status, to the text.This is further unified by conflict between groups, as in this case between the boys’ and girls’ responses to the text. The boys did not find themselves reflected in the text; therefore they did not elevate the text to truth status. There are other stories that resonate more soundly with the construct of masculinity. 725 The very act of defining the text as a â€Å"girls’ book† authenticates the assumptions of gender difference for the boys and girls. The children’s behavior within the reading groups was highly influenced by group interaction. This is in keeping with Corsaro’s (1992) assertion that most socialization ccurs at the level of interaction, be it in the family, among peers, or elsewhere. The nods and sounds of approval fro m group members encouraged both acceptance of the media messages and interaction and interpretation of those messages, depending upon the perspective of the group. An uncomfortable group atmosphere was often evident in conjunction with â€Å"doing gender. † The girls and boys were highly influenced by the group, and acceptance or rejection of the text was enhanced by whether or not the children identified with the story, whether they thought that it was or was not about them.This is no doubt one of the reasons that the boys in the present study did not enjoy the tale, or did not openly admit to doing so. Cinderella is a text that resonates with social messages aimed toward girls (e. g. , social rewards for goodness, kindness, and care as well as an emphasis on feminine beauty) and does not problematize a beauty ideal, romantic love, or competition among women for a the attention of men. The messages routinely found in books for boys, such as an emphasis on strength, the abili ty to protect others, and the denial of emotions (Seiter 1993), are not prevalent in Cinderella.The girls embraced the story, identified with the female characters, and actively engaged in filtering the text through their lived experience and expectations of the future. They clearly took pleasure, for the most part, in reenacting the fairy tale, taking particular delight in the transformation of a young, downtrodden girl into a beautiful princess. The tale was well known, and well loved, by most of the girls. There were instances, however, when a girl was admonished for wanting to be Cinderella because she was seen by the others as not attractive enough, when the girls discussed ways that their experiences sometimes more closely atched the stepsisters’, or occasions when the anxiety produced by the normative expectations of femininity became evident (â€Å"How does Cinderella get to be so beautiful? †). But, for the most part, the acceptance was unanimous and excited. Through the girls’ discussion of the story, traditional expectations for femininity were identified, reified, and reinforced. The strong identification with the tale, as evidenced by the girls, is an indication of the social importance of traditional expectations of femininity. In light of previous research that has identified girls as active negotiators in the construction of meaning (Corsaro 1997;Currie 1997), the unquestioning response to the traditional elements of the tale signifies the importance of gendered Sex Roles (2007) 56:717–727 726 expectations and the solidity of gendered boundaries. The girls responded with a clear reaction: Cinderella is about us! Such a reaction, from any single girl, evidenced and affirmed her femininity. Cinderella was not, however, about or for the boys. As a feminine tale, any association might be seen as feminizing for them. This supports a traditional ideology associated with heterosexual masculinity. Furthermore, it might be xp ected that a boy would respond differently, possibly more positively, outside of the group setting (e. g. , at home reading with a parent, or reading on his own) if the expectations to â€Å"do gender† were less (Thorne 1997; West and Zimmerman 1987). Through group displays, the boys demonstrated resistance to the messages in the tale and reinforced group acceptance of normative masculinity.The textual association with romantic love, messages traditionally directed toward women and girls (e. g. , domestic work, competition for men, emphasis on beauty), and the packaging of the text (i. e. , colors of pink and purple with cute’ animals) inherent in Cinderella simply do not mesh with boys’ experiences in learning about masculinity or the cultural expectations of them. These conflicts are reinforced through interaction in the peer group, and the peer group often regulated interpretation. The boys also actively moved the story to a place that was more about them. In this way, they de-centered the central character and instead turned to other components of popular fairy tales that are more interesting to them, such as chasing dragons and engaging in adventurous sword play. They also shifted the focus from the story in general to hallenging my authority as its reader. This is particularly interesting given the friendly and affiliative behavior I previously had experienced when interacting with the boys during in-class observation, when they were either doing assigned work or engaging in more routine (and less gendered) everyday activities.This is in keeping with their quick and decisive treatment of each other when gender boundaries were crossed. Davies (2003) identified similar responses in the preschool children she observed. Corsaro’s assertions concerning the influence of the peer group on the interpretation and production of meaning were evident in he reading groups conducted for the present study. The children actively participated in peer socialization through the use of encouragement, enticement, pleading, and, sometimes, ridicule. The children dealt with the messages and images together, often building on one another ’s sentences and nodding in agreement at the final product. At other times, their disagreement contributed to an understanding of the complexities of the questions raised. The boys and girls produced and affirmed meanings consistent with their gender, and actively worked to ensure these processes.These findings indicate that the work of â€Å"doing gender† West and Zimmerman 1987) plays an essential role in the process of interpretation for children. Aydt and Corsaro (2003) argued that this is particularly the case for middleclass, American children. The highly formalized classroom may reify the gendered categories â€Å"boys† and â€Å"girls,† thereby constraining group interaction and the ability to engage freely in the negotiation process. 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